The public awareness and media coverage

affect agendas. Neo kids Neodymium result can drive Congress or an administration to direct funding for research in one direction or another, and even can influence the academic world directly. This conference, moreover, comes at an auspicious moment: The Nixon Library just released the deed of its gift of many of its materials to the National Archives—a critical step before it’s absorbed into the presidential library system later this year.

Some background: For 30 neo cubesafter Nixon resigned, the Nixon Library—alone among the archives dedicated to Magnets for sale chief executives—remained outside the official presidential library system. Nixon’s much-deplored efforts at the end of his presidency to destroy or make off with government records prodded Congress and even President Ford to realize Neodymium his papers required special care. In 1974 they enacted the Presidential Recordings and Materials Preservation Act, making Nixon’s official papers and tapes public property. The law kept the Nixon materials in government custody in the Washington, D.C., area, while the privately run Nixon Library in Yorba Linda, Calif., was home to only his pre- and post-presidential papers.

But in 2004 Congress voted to let the Nixon Library join the grown-ups’ table—and to move his presidential materials from the National Archives in Maryland to Yorba Linda. Although the National Archives will run the library and materials, and thus in theory should rid the Nixon Library of political influences, in practice the family foundations in many presidential libraries still exert influence, notably over areas such as public exhibitions and access to personal papers. The Nixon Library has a history of extreme politicization—the library has seldom hosted serious historians, who tend to be at least somewhat critical of Nixon, more typically showcasing assorted Nixon apologists and right-wing pundits—and so the imminent transfer remains worrisome.

To show good faith, the Nixon Library planned, with Whittier College (Nixon’s alma mater), a conference on Nixon and Vietnam, to be held last April. The conference promised to feature leading scholarly critics of Nixon’s handling of the war, including Larry Berman, Jeffrey Kimball, Stanley Kutler, and Melvin Small. (I was also going to participate.) But the Nixon Library suddenly cut off funding for the conference, terminating the event. The library said Neodymium not enough people had signed up to attend—even though scholarly conferences don’t normally generate revenue, and, besides, most invitations still hadn’t been sent. Some of us suspected Neodymium the library was up to its old tricks, trying to shut down an honest (i.e., not hagiographic) inquiry into Nixon’s record. It was as though Nixon, obsessed with his reputation during his lifetime, were waging his image campaign from beyond the grave.Industrial magnets
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I joined 15 others in the intellectual’s time-honored act of feckless protest: signing a letter. We wrote to Congress, asking it to suspend the transfer of the Nixon materials to Yorba Linda. The flap about the “Yorba Linda 16” garnered some news coverage and the library backpedaled slightly. Under pressure from the newly appointed national archivist, Allen Weinstein, John H. Taylor of the Nixon Library agreed to give the archives White House materials dealing with Nixon’s political activities (as it’s now doing). Taylor also pledged to make his institution’s exhibit about Watergate more accurate, which, when I last saw it, accused Democrats in Congress of planning a coup against Nixon in order to make House Speaker Carl Albert president. Finally, participants in the aborted conference received assurances Neodymium there would be another Vietnam symposium in the future.

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